Monday, May 05, 2008

iPolitics: Random Shuffle Religion/Presidential/Race!

Oh so much about these topics, you don't need TM to sort it out for you. Just allow a random selection of quotations and sound bytes by any pastor or presidential hopeful in the news of late to bathe your semi-conscious but always critical, media-consuming mind.

Then consider the wisdom of our nation's founding members who thought some space between religion and politics might foster a better democracy. I wonder if we as a country (not simply me, but a winning majority of us) would vote for a figure like Dr. Martin Luther King? How do we understand Obama's anger as the media portrays it for us?

As we meditate on how complicated and often suspect the nexus of religion and politics seems to continue to be, here are some pieces to shuffle:
  1. the opinion in the NYT, asking if we ought to judge candidates by their associations with religious leaders and also exploring some of specific statements that reflect the extreme views of a pastor associated with the R-party's front runner (4 May 2008);
  2. the MJ story about Hilary's faith claims (1 Sept 2007);
  3. the succinct letter to the editor written by John McBride, author of the Color of Water, about his experience as a mixed-race person dealing with the Black Church (30 April 2008).
  4. and the more detached analysis by Freepress of how much media coverage was dedicated to the pastor "flap" (6 May 2008).
Now look at this story in the Post about new forms of Black organizing and reconsider whether this uproar about religion and politics is likely to be relevant in the ways that pollsters project.

Thursday, April 24, 2008

Race & Democracy

According to the NYT, Democrats are thinking about the connection between elect-ability and (so-called) race as Obama continues his bid for presidential candidacy.

Monday, April 07, 2008

The prophetic anger of MLK. . .What Should We Change

'A few years ago, there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor, both black and white, through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war. And I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic, destructive suction tube. So I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.

'I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today: my own government.'

Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr.
April 4, 1967 address at
Riverside
Church in New York

-------------------------------------------

After 1965, the civil rights leader grew angrier over America's
unwillingness to change. "ON THE 40TH ANNIVERSARY of Martin Luther King Jr.'s death, few truthsring louder than this: Barack Obama and Jeremiah A. Wright Jr. express in part the fallen leader's split mind on race, a division marked by chronology and color.

See "The prophetic anger of MLK" By Michael Eric Dyson, April 4 2008 at:
http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/la-oe-dyson4apr04,0,1840793.story

See also
PROTESTERS LOUDLY DEMAND GOVERNOR RESCIND IMMIGRATION ORDER
http://www.projo.com/news/politics/content/Immigration_Protest_04-04-08_DD9L3K5_v30.3819a0f.html

Tuesday, April 01, 2008

Critically Thoughtful Perspectives: Obama

More Obama-nalia from the "Inbox." See the New America Media pub below that features reactions from various Asian American, Latino, Muslim, and Native American communities.

UCLA ASIAN AMERICAN STUDIES CENTER FACULTY PERSPECTIVE:

UCLA Law Professor Jerry Kang, who is an active member of the UCLA Asian American Studies Center's Faculty Advisory Committee, has written a very insightful opinion piece in the National Law Journal, in which he draws parallels between Barack Obama's recent speech on
race, and two historically significant US Supreme Court cases --Ozawa v. U.S. and U.S. v. Thind -- dealing with naturalization and race for early Asian immigrants:

http://www.law.com/jsp/nlj/PubArticleNLJ.jsp?id=1206528538825

"Beyond Black and White: Ethnic Media Respond to Obama’s Call for
Dialogue on Race"

by New America Media, News Digest, NAM Staff,
Posted: Mar 26, 2008
<http://news.newamericamedia.org/news/view_article.html?article_id=531dbc03a996929b43ce9d306144f44d>

Editor's Note: A lively conversation about race in America is taking place in the ethnic media, where Latino, Asian, Arab and Native American commentators agree that the traditional black-white dialogue must be expanded. But Sen. Barack Obama's speech on race has some of them wondering whether he is the right man for the job.

Called a “symbol of unity” and a “sign of divisiveness,” and compared to Fidel Castro and Korean politicians, Sen. Barack Obama’s call for a national dialogue on race produced a litany of responses from the ethnic media. But all of them seemed to agree on one thing: the longstanding black-white national dialogue about race is long overdue for an overhaul.

Obama's speech on race in America was called “courageous and forceful” by members of the Korean-American community, but few seemed to believe that American attitudes toward race would be swayed by it.

The Korea Times called the speech “a fearless challenge” in its March 23 editorial. Instead of choosing to avoid race – which the editorial calls “the toxic substance in American politics” – Obama bravely launched a frontal assault to confront the controversy over the remarks of his former pastor, Rev. Jeremiah Wright. Obama was a member of Wright's church for 20 years.

Although it praised Obama’s speech as eloquent and courageous, the editorial pointed out that its effect is uncertain. “Now it’s the voters’ turn to respond to the race issue,” editors write. “Korean-American voters are among the voters who will have to decide whether Americans’ good sense and rationality can overcome race.”

Chinese American readers weren't easily swayed by Obama’s speech, according to Joseph Leung, executive editor of the Sing Tao Daily, yet interracial relations remain a concern of the Chinese American community. Chinese and African American communities may communicate well on a political level, Leung notes, but day-to-day communications between ordinary people in the two communities are still lacking.

Each community saw Obama’s speech in the context of their homeland politics. For Korean Americans, Obama’s speech recalled the tactics of South Korea’s liberal presidential candidates who ran on a platform of social equality in the mid-1990s, but failed to deliver once they were
in office.

James Kim of Granada Hills says he doesn’t question Obama’s sincerity, but says it takes more than just one person to create a change in the political system.

“I don’t think the past two Korean presidents deliberately deceived the people,” says Kim. “I don’t question Obama’s intention, either. But there’s always a big gap between ideals and reality.”

South Florida's Spanish-language media responds to a heavily Cuban-American audience (roughly 80 percent of Cuban Americans voted for Bush in 2004). Not surprisingly, many of the region’s Latino commentators dismissed Obama's speech as a calculated attempt to evade bad PR caused by Wright’s remarks. Wright has preached the belief that HIV was created deliberately by the U.S. government to decimate the black population.

Writing for Miami's daily newspaper El Nuevo Herald, columnist Adolfo Rivero Caro called Obama's charismatic, oratorically-talented persona "messianic" and "demagogic," even comparing him to former Cuban President Fidel Castro and Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. " Seducing the public, talking of the extraordinary future that awaits them, always has seemed to me a cheap trick."

Vicente Echerri writes in El Nuevo Herald that “his racial origin, ideal for representing the American who has transcended prejudices and stereotypes, will serve him very little when he identifies so absolutely with a racial group, with a black church presided by a prophet of racism."

The notion that Obama could bring the concerns of Latino voters to the table was a subject of debate in the Spanish-language media.

Three days after Obama’s speech, New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson endorsed the candidate. Interviewed live on CNN en Español, Richardson said Obama's words on race had clinched his decision. Hispanics, he said, are suffering from hate crimes and demonization as a result of an immigration backlash. They need a candidate who understands the folly of pitting race against race.

In his speech, Obama indicated that undocumented immigrants should not be scapegoated for the nation’s economic troubles.

But some brushed aside Obama's rhetoric of racial healing to ask for a more tangible Latino-oriented platform. One of them was Steven J. Ybarra, a longtime Democratic Party activist and undecided superdelegate from California. "I listened to Barack's speech," he writes in passing in a March 25 column on HispanicVista.com, before turning to the more tangible issues that will decide his vote at the Democratic Convention.

"I am going to ask the candidate where is our place at the table," he writes. "Because we are tired of just cooking, cleaning up, and getting blamed when the party goes bad." Ybarra is referring to past Latino voter drives in general elections, which he believes were hobbled by lack of funds and inattention from the "East Coast power brokers" in the Democratic National Committee. He also points to a "brown-black divide," acknowledging that Latinos often feel brushed aside in political and economic deal making that includes blacks.

Despite the fact that a majority of Latinos have said they support Sen. Hillary Clinton, the largest Spanish-language daily in the country, La Opinión in Los Angeles, endorsed Obama in the Democratic primary.

An editorial in La Opinión the day after Obama’s speech praised it as a symbol of unity, saying that "the social and economic challenges faced by whites, blacks, Latinos and immigrants are similar whatever our obvious differences."

Readers of the San Jose, Calif.-based Vietnamese newspaper Calitoday had the opposite response. One reader, identified as Kevin Nguyen, posted a comment on the newspaper’s Web site that said that given Rev. Wright’s influence on Obama, “If Obama is president, he is bound to create divisiveness in America.”

Even as Obama has been chided for his connection to the religious leader, another current of accusations has followed the candidate: the false assertion that, because of the way his name sounds, he is Muslim.

In the Arab media, journalists expressed concerns over the nature of these “attacks” made against Obama that highlight what they believe to be widespread “Islamophobia” in the United States.

“He is ‘accused’ of being a Muslim,” Dr. Fawaz Gerges, a professor of international relations at Sarah Lawrence College in New York, told the Saudi Kingdom Television. “The beautiful name Hussein has become the ‘kiss of death.’”

Hasan Al Barari wrote in the Jordanian Al-Ghad Newspaper that he personally preferred Obama over all the other candidates, but wished he had responded differently when accused of being a Muslim. "Obama should have said, ‘What if I were a Muslim?’ If he had said that, he would have changed the dynamics of the debate, and exposed the chauvinists that are making these accusations.”

Dr. Gerges agreed, telling the Saudi television station that Obama missed an opportunity to defend Muslim Americans. “Truly,” he said, “it is painful that the most important progressive candidate in America, Barack Obama, has not used this opportunity to educate American society about the Islamic civilization.”

Sa’d Al Deen Ibrahim wrote on Yemeni Al-Motamar’s Web site that when Obama is accused of being Muslim he usually gives an affirmative answer consisting of two words, “I’m Christian,” as if being Muslim is a crime and he is innocent of it.

While his campaign managers view the fact that Obama’s father was a Muslim as a liability, Arab journalists view it as an asset that may enable Obama to better communicate with the Muslim and Arab worlds.

Each ethnic newspaper took Obama's race speech as an opportunity to place its own community into a national dialogue that has long ignored them.

The Native American Times published a commentary titled, "Include the Invisible Americans in Race Debates," by Tim Giago (Nanwica Kciji), an Oglala Lakota Indian born on the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota and the former publisher of New York’s Indian Country Today. "When it comes to race relations,” Giago writes, “Native Americans are the invisible people."

However, a letter to the editor by reader Masleca noted that Barack Obama mentioned Native Americans in his speech. The paper quoted Obama as saying, "This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian
children and Hispanic children and Native American children."

Reporting by Elena Shore, Marcelo Ballvé, Jalal Ghazi, Kenneth Kim,
Peter Micek, Andrew Lam and Jun Wang

Monday, March 31, 2008

And It's Still. . .OBAMA!

The Wall Street Journal carried the following and below the article is the URL for the Obama race speech that everyone's talking about!

"PASTOR FLAP HASN'T HURT OBAMA"

By JACKIE CALMES
March 26, 2008 7:19 p.m.

WASHINGTON -- The racially charged debate over Barack Obama's relationship with his longtime pastor hasn't much changed his close contest against Hillary Clinton, or hurt him against Republican nominee-in-waiting John McCain, according to a new Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll.

Democratic pollster Peter Hart, who conducts the Journal/NBC polls with Republican pollster Bill McInturff, called the latest poll a "myth-buster" that showed the pastor controversy is "not the beginning of the end for the Obama campaign."
But both Democrats, and especially New York's Sen. Clinton, are showing wounds from their prolonged and increasingly bitter nomination contest, which could weaken the ultimate nominee for the general-election showdown against Sen. McCain of Arizona. Even among women, who are the base of Sen. Clinton's support, she now is viewed negatively by more voters than positively for the first time in a Journal/NBC poll.

The latest survey has the Democratic rivals in a dead heat, each with 45% support from registered Democratic voters. That is a slight improvement for Sen. Obama, though a statistically insignificant one, from the last Journal/NBC poll two weeks ago, which had Sen. Clinton leading among Democratic voters, 47% to 43%.

While Sen. Clinton still leads among white Democrats, her edge shrank to eight points (49% to 41%) from 12 points in early March (51% to 39%). That seems to refute widespread speculation -- and fears among Sen. Obama's backers -- that he would lose white support for his bid to be the nation's first African-American president over the controversy surrounding his former pastor, the Rev. Jeremiah Wright Jr. of Chicago.

Had that erosion happened, party leaders' reassessment of Sen. Obama's electability could have tipped the race to Sen. Clinton's favor. Weathering the episode could strengthen his standing among the party leaders nationwide -- the superdelegates -- whose votes are likely to break the impasse.

Beyond the nomination race, in hypothetical matchups for November's election Sen. Obama still edges Sen. McCain 44% to 42%. That is nearly the same result as in the early March poll, before videos of Mr. Wright's most fiery sermons spread over the Internet. But Sen. Clinton, who likewise had a narrow advantage over Sen. McCain in the earlier survey, trails in this one by two points, 44% to his 46%.

The poll was conducted Monday and Tuesday, a week after Sen. Obama delivered a generally well-received address on race. The poll's margin for error is 3.7 percentage points for questions put to a cross-section of 700 registered voters, and slightly higher for those questions put only to subgroups of Democratic, Republican or black voters.

As reassuring as the poll is for Sen. Obama, Mr. Hart and Mr. McInturff agreed that it did indicate that a substantial number of voters question whether the first-term senator would be a safe choice, or whether more needs to be known about him. Mr. McInturff said some voters are wondering, "Do we know enough about this guy?"

While the senator's support among Democrats is little changed, he did slip among conservatives and Republican voters, groups that had shown some attraction to Sen. Obama's message of changing partisan politics in Washington.

"I think the survey does indicate that this has taken a little of the patina off Sen. Obama," Mr. McInturff said.

But the pollster also saw "some evidence here that Sen. Obama's speech did him well." The candidate's support for his handling of the Wright matter was stronger among those voters who said they saw his 37-minute speech.

In the Philadelphia address, which Sen. Obama wrote and titled "A More Perfect Union," he criticized his former pastor for his condemnations of the U.S. for its injustices to blacks, but refused to renounce him.

He also sought to explain to both blacks and whites the grievances that each holds against the other, while urging both to recognize their real enemies are shared ones -- chiefly economic and educational inequality, and the job losses from globalization.

The Clinton campaign had steered clear of the Wright controversy, until Sen. Clinton this week told interviewers she would have found a new minister had hers made the remarks Mr. Wright did. Sen. Obama for two decades has attended the 8,000-member Chicago church where Mr. Wright, who retired recently, was pastor.

The negativity of the Obama-Clinton contest seems to be hurting Sen. Clinton more, the poll shows. A 52% majority of all voters says she doesn't have the background or values they identify with. But 50% say Sen. Obama does share their values, and 57% agree that Sen. McCain does.

Also, fewer voters hold positive views of Sen. Clinton than did so just two weeks ago in the Journal/NBC poll. Among all voters, 48% have negative feelings toward her and 37% positive, a decline from a net positive 45% to 43% rating in early March. While 51% of African-American voters have positive views, that is down 12 points from earlier this month, before the Wright controversy.

More ominous for Sen. Clinton is the net-negative rating she drew for the first time from women, one of the groups where she has drawn most support. In this latest poll, voters with negative views narrowly outstrip those with positive ones, 44% to 42%. That compares with her positive rating from 51% of women in the earlier March poll.

Both she and Sen. Obama showed five-point declines in positive ratings from white voters. But where she is viewed mostly negatively, by 51% to 34% of whites, Sen. Obama's gets a net positive rating, by 42% to 37%. Among all voters, he maintained a significant positive-to-negative score of 49% to 32%-similar to Sen. McCain's 45% to 25%.

The toll on both Democrats from their rhetorical brawling is evident in these poll findings: About a fifth of Clinton voters say they would support Sen. McCain if she isn't the Democratic nominee, and likewise a fifth of Obama voters say they would do the same if he isn't the party standard-bearer.

Write to Jackie Calmes at jackie.calmes@wsj.com4


URL for this article:

AND here is link to the full transcript of Sen. Obama's speech on race as
prepared for delivery <http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/23690567/>

And listen to the response from Rinku Sen via Colorlines: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sVi4KpG1G_E

Wednesday, February 27, 2008

Updating the Race-Philes: Obama, Etc. 2008

Okay so it's been so very long since I blogged about anything, but here are several items that contribute to our critique of race/gender/sex and power this season:

Here's someone making the point that race is more than merely relevant, it is a reason to vote:

"It's OK to vote for Obama because he's black" in Salon.

And how does US imperialism factor in? Puerto Ricans don't have the right to vote in the election, but the outcome of their primary on June 7 will assign the final 63 delegates! (They may be the deciding factor!) The following video gives you a sense of how that likely may go.

You-Tube Video: SI, se puede!

And what about race is gendered, and vice versa?. .Here's an interesting article about how transgender people experience race.

See "Becoming a Black Man" in Colorlines.

Cheers!

Tuesday, October 09, 2007

Anti-African Racial Violence in Switzerland

The report in the Washington Post describing a chainsaw assault on an African man in Switzerland, is horrific, whether you wish to contemplate the geopolitical significance of increasing racial violence or not.

Wednesday, October 03, 2007

Race Gender & the Ongoing Civil Rights Movement

September 22, 2007
Op-Ed Columnist
NY Times

The Women Behind the Men

By GAIL COLLINS

Daisy Bates had to march with the wives.

When the nation observes the 50th anniversary of the Little Rock school desegregation on Monday, there will undoubtedly be a great deal said about Bates, who was head of the city's N.A.A.C.P. chapter. She helped recruit nine black teenagers and escorted them through irate mobs of white adults and into their first classes. As a result, she and her husband, Lucius, lost their business. She was jailed, threatened and the Ku Klux Klan burned an 8-foot cross on her lawn.

Bates was invited, of course, to the famous March on Washington in 1963, when Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. gave his "I Have a Dream" speech. Rosa Parks was invited, too, and Pauli Murray, the lawyer and feminist who had staged the first sit-in at a Washington restaurant during World War II.

When they got there, they were all assigned to walk with the wives of the male civil rights leaders, far away from the cameras. "Not a single woman was invited to make one of the major speeches or be part of the delegation of leaders who went to the White House. The omission was deliberate," Murray said later.

Dorothy Height, the head of the National Council of Negro Women, and others begged that at least one woman be included among the speakers. They nominated Diane Nash, the student leader who had been perhaps the one person most responsible for the success of the Freedom Riders in the South. No dice.
"Nothing that women said or did broke the impasse blocking their participation. I've never seen a more unmovable force," Height wrote. The men kept telling her that women already had participation — both Marian Anderson and Mahalia Jackson were going to sing. In the end, A. Philip Randolph delivered a "Tribute to Negro Women Fighters for Freedom" while the female civil rights legends sat on the stage.

We've learned, with some pain, to celebrate all our national heroes through clear eyes, as people whose great hearts and minds still did not take the dream of freedom and equality past their own immediate cause. The Declaration of Independence is our noblest piece of prose even though Thomas Jefferson kept slaves. Susan B. Anthony is my favorite Founding Mother, but I know she broke her old friend Frederick Douglass's heart when she lashed out at a government that would give the vote to "Sambo" and ignore well-educated, middle-class white women. Dr. King and the other male leaders and martyrs of the civil rights movement are always going to be a beacon in the center of our history. But they generally believed women's place was in the home, and most were privately looking forward to the moment when they would all go back there.

The women of the civil rights movement who are most celebrated tend to be the brave victims, like Rosa Parks, who dutifully played the simple seamstress too tired to give up her seat on the bus, even though she had in fact been an activist for longer than almost any of the men. Still, in her autobiography she remembered that March on Washington and noted that these days "women wouldn't stand for being kept so much in the background."

The women who men were less enthusiastic about were the ones who led. Martin Luther King Jr.'s first triumph as the public face of the Montgomery bus boycott was possible because a group of middle-class black women led by a college teacher, Jo Ann Robinson, had organized it. They had been preparing for the opportunity so long that when Rosa Parks went to jail, they had 35,000 fliers ready the next morning, to deliver to black households through their children at school. Yet now they have practically vanished from our history.

You do not have to dismiss the men to believe that Ella Baker was the greatest organizer the civil rights movement ever knew. When she was passed over for the directorate of King's Southern Christian Leadership Conference, which she helped found and ran as acting director, she attributed the rejection to the fact that "I was female; I was old. I didn't have a Ph.D." Then she went right on organizing, guiding the black college students into forming the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, which she would direct throughout its glory years as adviser and unpaid spiritual leader.

Baker also got it — the moment of recognition that all the previous movements for American social justice had not quite grasped. "Remember," she told the young people, "we are not fighting for the freedom of the Negro alone, but for the freedom of the human spirit, a larger freedom that encompasses all mankind."

You watch the reports from
Jena this week and you wonder where women like Bates and Baker and Robinson would be if they were alive today. Wherever it was, it would be at the front of theparade.

Tuesday, September 11, 2007

Take Your Bearings & Read the Latest. . .

I've been following the Jena Six story, and wondering if I have anything to add to the obvious. If, by chance, anyone is relying on this blog for an update or a quick link to some revealing conversation that explicates the issue, read the following current stuff: "Do you understand where you are?" and RaceWire.

Of course, today (of all days) there is ample opportunity to ruminate on whether the increasing numbers of race-related fiascoes in the news (since say 2001) reflect a shift in media accountability and interest, or indicate, rather, a heightened struggle around how we perceive ourselves as a country of diverse peoples. That is, the ideological work being done to "shore up" our physical boundaries and "protect" the homeland is also absolutely and continuously about consolidating our ever-slippery, national identity based on a social hierarchy inflecting race, class, gender, etc.

As I said, little new to add.

Monday, August 27, 2007

Summer Hiatus

Clearly we've taken a rest from blogging about it all, but we'll be back in early September with a recap on what's the hap and a mad cap on everything new!

Monday, June 11, 2007

News: Black Caucus Bows to Fox & George Washington Had a Secret Slave Passage

The Black Caucus has decided to run with Fox. . .the conduit of Republican propoganda and, frankly, racism.

Another news bit: Archaeologists unearthed George Washington's presidential home to discover a hidden passageway used by his nine slaves. "The underground passageway is just steps from the Liberty Bell and Independence Hall. It was designed so Washington's guests would not see slaves as they slipped in and out of the main house." (Read more about "whether the ruins should be incorporated into a new exhibit at the site.")

Links:

More About It 7/4/07

Tuesday, May 29, 2007

The History of Honoring the War Dead

Check out this NYT article that begins, "Memorial Day got its start after the Civil War, when freed slaves and abolitionists gathered in Charleston, S.C., to honor Union soldiers who gave their lives to battle slavery." Cohen offers historical background on the waning significance of "slavery and freedom" to commemorations of this holiday.

Thursday, May 24, 2007

Race According to Generation "Why?" & Other "New" Structures of Feeling

Everyday brings with it renewed evidence of the truthfulness of the sentiment now in various quarters gaining the confidence and sympathy of our oppressed people that our elevation as a race is almost wholly dependent upon our own exertions.
-- Frederick Douglass (circa 1850s)


As time marches on, I am convinced that the long sentence and other rhetorical tools once used to appeal to the sentiments and sympathies of thinking people among us are woefully inadequate in our fight to expose the hoary apparatus of racism in its contemporary forms. I will concede that these forms are not as ethically cut and dried as slavery might have rendered them back in 1847 when Frederick Douglass began writing at the helm of the North Star, the first black-run newspaper, but is our contemporary context so much more complex, nuanced and challenging?

Why is racism America's little darling?

Seems everything I 'blog' about race these days tries to get at the unconscious reproduction of social inequality, and how race, especially in the absence of historical consciousness, operates just below the level of discourse and apparently just beyond our collective control. So as I waded through my race update emails of the last week, I attempted to pose a transcultural (transracial, if you like) query that came from the gut. Rather than simply linking the recent race stories analytically, I tried to feel my way through, checking my reactions alongside those of the people described and represented. Perhaps the following juxtaposition of a host of harrowing race-stories in the news will allow you to consider, as I have attempted to do, how 'racism' as such reflects the feelings and thoughts of people struggling with complex issues related to race, who in every case below are described as our 'youth.' Are there 'new' structures of feeling that validate racism today?

(I warn you, I draw few conclusions.)

Hutchison asks, "Is it ignorance, confusion, racial denial, or closet bigotry?"

First, I read "Many Whites Still Smugly Tie Their Racial Blinders Tight" (Hutchison on Alternet), which begins with an attempt to understand readers' responses to a recent critique of the re-release of "Song of the South " on DVD (i.e., 1946 Disney film replete with all the major food groups of racial stereotype). While the writer provided some statistics and polling data to the effect that white people, especially youth, reject claims suggesting that stereotypes are negative or damaging or wrong and that Black people often disagree, which explains in part why so many white readers were quick to denounce his film critique as advocating censorship, most unsettling to him was the fact that the white people most impervious to stereotypes that Black people find offensive were neither conservatives nor old nor apolitical.

They seem to be thinking, feeling young people.

If it weren't for so many recent incidents of the "new stealth racism" -- coined not by me, but by the writer of "Racism goes on trial again in the deep South" -- occurring today, perhaps we might look at these polls and facts and deduce that young people are phasing out race. It is, after all, irrelevant to the everyday lives of so many cosmopolitan, mixed-race young folks among "Generation Y," which should render it obsolete any day now!

(Maybe if we ignore it, it will just go away.)


The story about what's going on in Jena, Lousiana, however, counters any such naive hope (see Afro-Spear) It reads like an old race classic with no happy ending, seeming to borrow from a pre-Civil Rights era film or novel. High-schoolers in Louisiana are fighting to desegregate the shade trees and the opposition is hanging nooses and hiding out in Baptist churches, which leads judges to pursue putting the black kids who (might have) assaulted the 'noosers' in jail for the rest of their lives.

Just read it. The publication date is Sunday, May 20, 2007, but you won't believe these are our young people.

Now, check out the piece in the Chicago Tribune, entitled "Whites are not immune to black hostility." (See excerpt below or note 1.) I saw the title and thought, "thank goodness, at least someone is feeling something!" Then I read it and felt terrifically bad for the woman and for public school teachers in general who are forced to deal with these kids and their anger. But then I cringed a bit when I reached the author's conclusion, which seemed to wax smug and sanctimonious. As I'm trying to mind the copyright rules, I will focus on the part I excerpted below, especially the writer's complete confidence that the teacher would have seen justice (i.e., a response to her EOP complaint and subsequent lawsuit) and moral outrage more quickly, had the students been white and had she been black.

This might possibly be true in an oversimplified hypothetical case, but how many black teachers teach (and seem, from a young person's point of view, to exert unequal power over) classrooms full of angry white teenagers trapped in the ghettos of the inner city? Perhaps more relevant to my exploration of the structures of feeling that undergird our national emotional landscape, does it mean anything in particular that the offensive, violent persons wielding race as a weapon, in this case against a white woman teacher, are yet again young people?

As I read "War among blacks is too easy to ignore," which attributes the black murder rate to the postmodern conditions of the inner city that "also reinforce the deep feeling among many youth that life is cheap and easy to take, and there will be minimal consequences for their action as long as their victims are other young blacks." This description of these young people's disregard for the value of each other's lives reminded me of what is arguably, the quintessential definition of institutional racism: In 1857, the Dred Scott Decision, a Supreme Court ruling, pronounced that people of color "had no rights which the white man was bound to respect" (note 2).

How do we define or identify racism or bigotry or so-called racial denial, when young people of color have no rights, which anyone is bound to respect? And is it simply the Black kids in the ghetto who have ceased to value human lives? One thing is clear, these young people who are battling the discrimination, stereotypes and institutional policies that they didn't create, are the same kids who are killing each other with old-time "symbolic" nooses, shooting each other with sophisticated weapons mostly unavailable in this country after school, and being asked to die in violent foreign conflicts that they didn't initiate and mostly don't understand. And this violence which has banished feeling, especially human empathy, almost entirely from the USAmerican everyday emotional landscape impacts young and old alike.

-------Notes-------

(1) If you cannot sign into the Tribune to read the article mentioned above, here's an excerpt:

Whites are not immune to black hostility
--Insults from black students spur lawsuit
by Kathleen Parker
May 16, 2007

CHARLESTON, S.C. -- In a new twist in American race relations, a federal court has ruled that a white teacher in a predominantly African-American school was subjected to a racially hostile workplace.

The case concerned Elizabeth Kandrac, who was routinely verbally abused by black pupils at Brentwood Middle School in North Charleston.

Their slurs make shock jock Don Imus look like a church deacon.

. . .despite frequent complaints, school officials did nothing to intervene on Kandrac's behalf, arguing that the racially charged profanity was simply part of the pupils' culture. If Kandrac couldn't handle cursing, school officials told her, she was in the wrong school.

Kandrac finally filed a complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and subsequently brought a lawsuit against the Charleston County School District, the school's principal and an associate superintendent. Last fall, jurors found that the school was a racially hostile environment to teach in and that the school district retaliated against Kandrac for complaining about it.
. . .

Let's be clear: What these children called this teacher is beyond reprehensible and could be only be construed as hostile and threatening.

Here's a sample: . . .white ho. . . .

Kandrac's attorney, Larry Kobrovsky, argued that the repeated use of "white" made these slurs racist in nature. But school officials insisted that because black pupils were equally abusive to other blacks, the language wasn't inherently racist.

Here's what we know without question: If white pupils had used similar language toward black pupils and teachers, the case would have been plastered on the front page of the New York Times until heads rolled.

A black Kandrac would have a million-dollar book deal, a movie contract and hundreds of interviews to juggle. Her oppressors and those who passively facilitated her abuse would have been pilloried by the media -- their faces all over the evening news -- while Revs. Al and Jesse organized protests.

Kathleen Parker is a syndicated columnist. E-mail: kparker @kparker.com)

(Read the rest on line!)

(2) pg. 7; Andrews, William L. 1990 "Introduction" in Three Classic African-American Novels. New York, NY: Mentor.

Tuesday, May 22, 2007

Why is Sambolina Jolie Wearing Blackface on Film?

If you haven't heard about the upcoming film where a famous white actress will play a 'biracial' woman (by tanning darkly and wearing a nappy wig), check out these pictures and commentary. For the record I concur with the blogger at Sterohyped and reiterate (in my own lingo) that two major problems with this instance of 'blackface' are the following:

One is our sordid historical past, when white actors wearing blackface always played Black characters and reproduced damaging, hateful misrepresentations of Black people that persist as the stereotypes all USAmericans are forced to confront and fight today (cf., Birth of a Nation). The second is our sordid contemporary reality in which Hollywood is still segregated, economically, socially, racially, etc. That is, Black women actors don't often get major roles, because producers don't fund Black films, "mainstream" Americans don't attend films (that don't exist) with Black characters, and most importantly Black women are so unattractive and untalented that they cannot even play themselves (i.e., Black women), much less aspire to play mainstream (white, nuetral, American) characters.

That's enough!

Links to the ongoing conversation:
Washington Post Discusses Jolie & the History of Black Face (6/23/07)

Friday, May 18, 2007

Homeland Racism and Other Weapons of Mass Distraction

Lately, USAmericans across the political spectrum have spent an inordinate amount of time and energy assessing, refuting and rebuking the recent, profligate racist annoyances that seem to occur constantly in Hollywood, on television, on the radio and along the presidential campaign trail.

And, this, most certainly, could be time wasted.

That is, if we fail to recognize that attending closely to media rhetoric regarding race is vital and relevant to a broader analysis of power. In this vein, just as I was contemplating whether my intermittent blogging here had become too media-crazed and domestically-focused, I received what seemed a brief, informative article about Black soldiers’ perspectives on the current situation in Iraq. Upon reading the first few paragraphs, I had planned to write a short ditty and to provide a link, but as I summarized the argument I found that the writer’s passive approach to reporting “just the facts” constituted a legitimation of war on behalf of the African-American community. So, here again, I think it is worth paying attention to what this author sets out to say, how he says it, and precisely where the fact that he is talking about race directs (and distracts) the course of his argument. (Check out the Common Dreams Reprint.)

“It’s hard to fight halfway around the world for people’s freedom when you’re not sure you have it at home.” -- Gregory Black, Retired Navy Diver

In a recent article for the Boston Globe, Derrick Z. Jackson attempts to put his finger on why African-American soldiers possess an especial "sensitivity" to US military involvement in Iraq. He writes that Black soldiers are increasingly less willing to participate in what they see as an “oilman’s war” that “smacks of neo-imperialism.” Employing various statistics, opinion polls, and the studied perspectives of sociologists and political analysts, he provides an informative snapshot of the role that military institutions have played in equalizing career and education opportunities for African-Americans, especially men, and reciprocally how the US all-volunteer military has relied on the disproportionate participation of African-American soldiers since 1973 (when the draft was “permanently” suspended.) Gregory Black, a retired veteran of the current conflict sums it up: “we’re halfway around the world fighting people of color under the guise of democracy and we can’t see how it’s benefited anyone.”

Jackson’s recurring theme is that Black soldiers are more “sensitive” to the wrongness of the US invasion and ensuing occupation of Iraq. As he moves through the article, however, he abandons what might have been a useful examination of these feelings and simply piles on various quotes that defend African-American perspectives without explicating them in the slightest. Clearly, suggesting that the perspectives of African-Americans are distinct from those of mainstream Americans, especially in the time of war, might render them vulnerable, so he and his expert interlocutors feel compelled to explain that African-American soldiers’ resentment regarding their exploitation for the economic gain of a very small, elite minority, has “nothing to do with [a lack of] patriotism.” He quotes David Segal, director of the University of Maryland’s Center for Research on Military Organization, who says “What we’re getting is not an opposition to war, but considerable opposition to this war.” And it’s all downhill from there.

Sadly, Jackson’s preoccupation with avoiding a negative representation of African-American soldiers hijacks his argument and nullifies his initial point that this unique perspective might shed light on the relationship between racism at home and US aggressions abroad. He uses statistics and polling data to demonstrate that that African-Americans, like most other USAmericans, have lost faith in this administration and its projects, and he concludes the article by suggesting that “kids” today (and their “influencers”) have TVs, watch the news, and are therefore more savvy about the horrors of war and the dangers of this conflict in particular.

It bears repeating that statistically speaking, he argues, Black people are just like everyone else in the United States. That is, the majority dislikes the current administration and our involvement in Iraq but supports war in general.

Why Race & US History Are Inexorably Linked

The requisite historical approach necessary to a critical race perspective would have remedied this article's key faults, namely myopic presentism and generalizing, and likely would have rescued Jackson’s argument from this insipid conclusion. Specifically, he might have legitimized the feelings of African-American soldiers by placing them in a deeper historical as well as ideological context. For instance, he might have referred to how the sacrifice and participation of the poor, people of color as well as ethnic and national minorities in US military efforts (call them wars, conflicts, or aggressions) has been historically a way to gain social status, achieve citizenship, etc. Along these lines, consulting the historical record might serve as a reminder that minority soldiers’ (and collaborating civilians’) aspirations often remained unfulfilled, and that many post-war periods were characterized by the systematic retraction of temporary wartime privileges. Specifically, one might observe how restoring peacetime relations has often included a violent reorganizing of the Racial Order, especially desegregated social spaces, occupations, etc. Finally, and perhaps most significantly, pursing the connection raised three separate times in the article between the sensitivity to racism and to imperialism, might have shed light on how and whether the current situation in Iraq is changing the way that members of all communities in the US look at war. In summation, let me re-phrase it like this:

Are Black people just like all the other Americans who support war, or are all Americans just like African-Americans who are beginning to question whether war is consistent with the USAmerican values that we cherish and seek to preserve?


Race, Violence & War Relevant Links:
Chicago vs. Iraq (Southtown 5/24/07)

Monday, April 30, 2007

The Magic Rhetoric of Radio Racism

Yes, the quick, efficient opprobrium (total condemnation) of last month’s Radio Racist was quite satisfying. The feminists broke it down; corporate sponsors did the math; Black producers wrote his pink slip; and Don Imus was out the door. However, it seems that always someone else is waiting in the wings to work the racist-sexist nexus. So, thanks to Rush Limbaugh last week, USAmericans have a new, fresh controversy and reason, as the Nation put it, to be “disheartened that so soon after the Imus controversy came and went the so-called shock jocks and right wing nuts went right back to business as usual, didn't blink an eye and continued to use racism to insult and humiliate.”

While I challenge any listener to find less than five intentional offenses upon a single hearing of “Barack the Magic Negro,” the racist parody created by Paul Shanklin and aired on Rush Limbaugh’s radio program this past week, here I see an opportunity to use a close reading of this text to resist racist “business as usual,” and consequently to stave off this low point in media -induced cycles of hope and despair. Here I suggest that we examine how high-profile media events such as these throw up a smokescreen of loud, abhorrent racism, while just below the surface they perform a rhetorical sleight of hand--that is, the subtle "magic" of continuity and repetition that keeps the ideas, images and language of racism alive despite real, illusory or desired social change on the part of most mainstream USAmericans. In other words, these media events “educate” by introducing and habituating us to stereotypes, ignorance, false generalizations, and slander disguised as objective facts, useful terminologies and historical information related to race.

Magical Chain of Substitutions: Black Equals Negro, Etc.

What is most audacious about the Shanklin piece, “Barack the Magic Negro,” is more than merely the unacceptable invocation of the word "Negro." Rather, we should take note of and probably offense to the blatant announcement of an unapologetic and intentional, slippery slide among the terms Negro, Black, African-American, etc. What it is less transparent, however, is the fact that the actual parody, like the title itself, plays across several historical and current conversations about race without making reference to them. As a means of detecting the magical mechanism of rhetorical racism, I suggest we look at the obvious. I propose that we examine how this author creates a "chain of signifiers" — a series of substitutions among words, names and individuals that mean or invoke something only slightly different each time they are used yet lose their referents along the way. (I am arguing that this process reinvigorates an old-time racist logic that the majority of USAmericans would reject if they could see it.)

Reading Radio Racism

As listeners we are invited in several ways to read this piece as everyday political satire, which uses tools conventional to the genre and surfaces issues that are already out there. First, listen to it. The tune “Puff the Magic Dragon” (a popular children’s song known to have multiple layers of potential meaning) immediately cues listeners that the skit is a “parody” and is meant to be “funny.” In which case, attacking either Senator Obama, a presidential candidate, or Rev. Al Sharpton, also a prominent public figure, are par for the political course. Furthermore, because mainstream media attributed at least some of the rapidity of action in the Imus case to the words and volume of Rev. Sharpton’s critique, casting a disparaging impression of him could be seen as a straightforward and prophylactic attack by people protecting their occupational niche (albeit undeniably racist). Specifically, recent gains regarding the use of stereotypes in the media, which vaguely might be attributed to Sharpton and that radio racists might find especially threatening, include coupling public decency with social equality concerns and raising a general sense of hope that the USA is approaching a sociological "tipping point" where racism will be considered obsolete and unsavory.

Clearly, in the Shanklin skit, Rev. Al Sharpton and Senator Barack Obama are represented unfavorably, but is it reasonable to suggest that they are cast as mutually affirming stereotypes that have shed their social and historical referents? (Which stereotypes? Well, how many are you familiar with?)

Solving the Mystery: What Are We Learning without Even Noticing?

As easy and appropriate as it may be to criticize public officials and to mock someone as fearless, distinct, and problematic as Rev. Sharpton has proved himself to be, I propose that our rhetorical sleuthing begins (and ends) with the moment that he is cast as 1) a buffoon with 2) the word "Negro" in his mouth and 3) the argument about "racial authenticity" on his lips.

While some may argue that deep rhetorical sophistication is beyond the scope and capacity of the particular authors in this case, it is important to note the significant argumentation that the skit accomplishes. As Obama’s bumbling critic, the embarrassing character of Sharpton distributes a vague sense of shame which is potentially felt by all, including ineffectual politicians, Black people, anti-racists, “conservative” humans, etc. However, what we are supposed to miss is that Sharpton is cast, not as an unflattering version of himself, but as an ugly stereotype that requires symbolic work to unpack and that distracts us from noticing whether his perspective, or any information for that matter, is represented with accuracy in this skit. Furthermore, while the Shanklin parody doesn't site its references, the recent LA Times article "Obama the Magic Negro" does. The latter directs us to consult Wikipedia for an explanation of the "Magical Negro," where this term refers to a fictional literary character or archetype, specifically a Black male protagonist who serves the racist interests of a White-dominated society at his own expense. This is indeed a heady matter. By drawing an archetypal and polarizing tension between two stereotypical characters, the skit manages to impart that conversations about race are ridiculous and/or divisive; that "insider" race terms and conversations have lost their protected status; and that the foibles of any Black person can be used to discredit the merits of any other (c.f., classic racism).

Unlike creating fictional characters in movies or books, I argue that casting actual public figures as racial stereotypes is an intentional and complex, rhetorical violence that makes “sense” just below our conscious vigil. The real offense of this particular skit, then, is that by mis/representing the views of real political figures and associating them with obscure references to forgotten racializing language, images, and terms, this so-called "parody" reaches deep into the social, psychological substrate and has the potential to (mysteriously or magically) mis/educate us about important debates at the intersection of race and politics right now when it matters most.

While I decline to read further into this parody which I assure you draws on other explicitly racist stereotypes, I encourage you to check out the suggested readings and related links posted below that introduce any interested reader to conversations and study regarding stereotypes of people of African descent in USAmerican history. I highly recommend the book by Bogle and the film, Bamboozled, by Spike Lee. (I also invite your comments.)

Related Links & References
Donald Bogle, Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies and Bucks: An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films (1992).
"Barack: The Magic Negro" Alternet Article w/ Audio Link
Spike Lee on Stereotypes (in the news 2001)
13 Movies with Magical Black Men. . .

Wednesday, April 11, 2007

The Hairy Discourse of Race: Radio Misrepresents Black Women Again

So far, the women basketball players of Rutgers have done well to represent themselves both before and after the "Ugly Imus Incident," so here I raise a small, side point that I find potentially relevant to the discussion regarding whether the old man should retire from radio. I wonder if anyone else has noticed that none of these women--among the visually heterogeneous mix I saw on three television channels over the last few days--had visibly curly, much less "nappy" hair. While it's possible that had their hairstyles been curlier, they might have taken the broader racist sexism even more personally; however, what these women have articulated so well in their statements where they refuse to separate racism from sexism, is that the days are long-gone when old white men could subjugate, silence and belittle the accomplishments of women (Black or otherwise) by, simply, invoking and insulting their appearance. Truly, the old man has sealed his own obsolescence, dating himself and his radio product, by demonstrating that he lacks more than merely the deftness and savvy needed to wield popular cultural representations, insider jokes, and critical "hipster" language for radio entertainment. What he needs, rather, is a college intro to the intersections of race and gender in the new millennium. As undeserving as he is, the Scarlet Knights are giving him a crash-course, very powerfully and on their own terms.

Various Links on the Outcome and What Can Be Done:

Installment 1:
The Post on the Firing
NPR on the Broader Context
What about Black Trash Talkers?
Feminist Majority Campaign against Hate Speech (Letter to CBS Template)
Free Press Media Diversity Campaign (Write the FCC)

Installment 2:
After/Outrage
Everybody Hates Don I.

Thursday, March 15, 2007

A Lens on Race in the Media (or Race: A Lens on the Media)

Here's a must see videoclip montage that does its own explaining about how issues related to race and Blackness are treated and "spun" by one popular television media outlet. It sheds a little light on the recent decisions by '08 presidential candidates, who refused to participate in a debate to be broadcast on a particular network.

Link to the site, and check out the short.

Thursday, February 15, 2007

Reflecting Black: Young People's Self-Portrayals

A new five-minute film, "A Girl Like Me," made by teenagers (Reelworks) and posted to YouTube is amazing. Thoughtful young women examine the constraints of color, culture and self-presentation by talking about their understandings of and feelings about the images, stereotypes, and expectations for Black women that circulate in broader USAmerican society, daily life and in their own families. They also reproduce a classic developmental psychology doll experiment with children. The disturbing, if unsurprising, results include the preference among Black children for the white doll and its associations with goodness and beauty. Brilliantly, however, these young filmmakers conclude by claiming how their intervention is to consciously love themselves against these odds. (Powerful stuff, you must watch it to the end!)

Another short film should (and does) accompany "Black Girl" on the site: Similarly, "A Boy Like Me," with a young Bill Cosby, examines children's artwork, invokes classic child psychology studies, and demonstrates, quite cogently, that children's artwork of the period reflected more than merely self-esteem and a sense of security (or lack thereof), rather it revealed, in the case of Black children's artwork, a (woefully nuanced) understanding of social inequality and anti-Black racist violence.

My impulse is to poem.
(ancient Greek: ποιεω (poieo) = I create)
-----------------------------
The night is long, and the struggle intense,
but we will prevail against the darkness
of ignorace and hopelessness
cast as nature's way,
because we continue to love
the daylight of our own humanity
to which we will awake
someday.

Sombra Morena

Wednesday, February 07, 2007

February is (Black) USAmerican History Month

Putting aside the irony that February is the shortest month on the (Roman) calendar, let's attend to the significance of a month in which USAmericans, globally renown for our ignorance/neglect of history, focus at least some of our media and scholarly energies on reclaiming a past that includes Black people, celebrating their achievements and contributions.

In this vein, PBS has produced the powerful documentary, "Forgotten Genius," about a chemist, Percy L. Julian. Born in 1899, he was the first Black person to be admitted to the National Academy of Sciences, and rightly so. As the film demonstrates, he was an accomplished researcher leading with his scholarship and singular inventions in the industry, as well as championing civil rights, and cultivating the careers of a host of other Black scientists. (See the full NYT review.)

The Ongoing Barack-O Conversation

Here's another solid article (from In These Times) about how race matters continue to frame Barack Obama's political career.

And while you're at it, check his exploratory committee website.